CHRIS: We’re live. Hey—welcome, everyone. Thanks for joining. Shaun and I have a lot to cover: what’s happening in Ukraine right now with the blackouts and conditions, and also a bigger story—Interpol red notice abuse and how Russia uses it.
Shaun, you’re in the south—well, more central Ukraine, right? Dnipro?
SHAUN: Yeah, Dnipro. It’s minus five today and it might get worse. We’re not a frontline city, but we’re inching closer to the front line—partly because of modern tech and how both sides have adapted, and because Russia can hit places like this more often now.
It’s a hub city, and the Russians are learning: they’re hitting logistics routes into places like Zaporizhzhia and surrounding areas. I was talking with a medic friend—where the hotspots are—and a lot of people I know are working between Zaporizhzhia and Dnipro.
SHAUN: Dnipro is huge—most of the city doesn’t get hit, but you feel the threat. It’s one of the biggest cities in Ukraine. Historically it was restricted in Soviet times—R&D, rockets, engines, heavy industry. The Dnipro River is frozen right now—really impressive.
CHRIS: Same river for me. As a Texan, walking across a frozen river is not something I grew up doing. And Ukrainians turn it into a sport—ice fishing in the middle like lunatics.
Alright—before we get deeper, for people who may not know you: when did you come to Ukraine and what brought you here?
SHAUN (laughing): I took a wrong turn on a flight to Tijuana.
No—seriously: I served nine years in the British military. A lot of my career was built around learning how to fight Russia, plus some Northern Ireland work and counterterrorism-type training.
After the military, I ran a hazardous waste management consultancy in the UK. It went well, but I hit a point where I lacked purpose—felt like a midlife crisis.
I had friends in Mariupol and others going to Kyiv working with the Ukrainian military. I came out for what I thought was a holiday. I arrived in February—minus 20, grey Soviet buildings, thinking, “What have I done?” Then spring hit and the country changed. Summers here are incredible. I stayed.
Later I met my wife—she was a deminer with a civilian company. We married in Mariupol and I built a life here from 2018.
CHRIS: Before the full-scale invasion—the month before—December into January into February—take us back there.
SHAUN: By then I spoke enough to get by, though ironically I learned more Russian/surzhyk because of where I lived. Politically, I didn’t understand everything at first.
I’d worked with Azov in Mariupol for two years. Then, because I needed to cement my place legally, I joined the Marines on a three-year contract—partly to contribute. If you live here and want something back, you should give something.
And look—if you’re not a soldier, fine—do something. Fundraising, logistics, media support—whatever. There’s a role for everyone.
CHRIS: That point matters. I’ve interviewed people who are seriously committed to service—volunteers, professionals—so the narrative that “everyone is running” isn’t the full story.
Now talk about foreigners. A lot of people felt that “call” from abroad—some were soldiers, some weren’t. What did you see?
SHAUN: War attracts everyone—including nut jobs. Out of people who say they’re coming, 99% don’t stay. I break them down into believers, killers, and runaways.
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Believers: easiest to work with. Honest, adaptable, usually have some discipline or real motivation.
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Killers: professional soldiers who sometimes find comfort in war. Some are extremely good at what they do—you want them if they have morals and discipline.
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Runaways: the biggest problem—substance issues, warrants, instability, trying to “reset” their life in Ukraine. They bring problems.
Ukraine’s gotten better at filtering people since 2022.
Also: this war didn’t start in 2022. It’s been going since 2014—Crimea, Donbas. I was here then. It drives me crazy when Western politics pretends it started later.
CHRIS: In Kyiv there’s a memorial wall near St. Michael’s—2014 onward. You see the losses year by year. Not “quiet years.”
When you trained here before 2022, what were you teaching, and what were they teaching you?
SHAUN: I was taken on as a sniper instructor, but the reality was: most could already shoot. Hunting culture, practical skills. The bigger gaps were basic combat fundamentals—maps, fieldcraft, discipline, recon. Some relied too heavily on phones and apps.
But they taught me trench realities: how to live for months in trenches, survive extreme cold, fight close trench-to-trench. I saw Ukraine transition from Soviet centralized doctrine into more NATO-style decentralized operations. By 2022, a lot had changed.
I did a Sky interview before the invasion saying, “We’ll give them a bloody nose.” Looking back… it was an understatement.
CHRIS: We’re in blackouts. Power systems have been devastated. But I think about the guys on the front. Tell people what life is like for soldiers in this cold.
SHAUN: Brutal. Cold plus wind breaks people fast. Batteries drain quickly. Hygiene is hard. Feet get wet, trench foot, frostbite risks. If you sweat and then stop moving, you freeze.
And now there’s the added reality: drones, thermals, heat signatures. You need heat to survive, but heat can expose you.
CHRIS: I want to touch a political point lightly: Ukrainians talk about America “throwing oxygen to the monster.” Tell me about that feeling.
SHAUN: It looks like every time Putin gets in a corner, Trump throws a lifeline. This week there’s talk of a ceasefire—yet Russia is still hitting civilians and infrastructure. People here don’t trust Trump’s team.
Even pulling humanitarian aid harms Ukraine’s front-line support systems. Everything since inauguration seems to benefit Russia. Ukrainians aren’t walking away from talks because it looks bad diplomatically—but most don’t believe in a fair deal.
And it’s bigger: millions in occupied territories, forced refugees, ethnic cleansing, abducted children. People won’t accept a retreat order easily—too much blood in the ground.
CHRIS: You were imprisoned April–September 2022. In advocacy we say “time is life.” People come home damaged. How does that shape your activism?
SHAUN: Russia made me who I am now. What was done to me was unjust and documented. I didn’t want to be a victim. I don’t live in fear. That experience pushed me into speaking publicly.
And yes—pro-Russian people call me a “grifter.” I wish there was money in this. There isn’t—not on the Ukraine side.
CHRIS: (To audience) If you’re watching, support Shaun’s work. Even $5/month subscriptions add up and let him focus on the work.
SHAUN: I started small—grabbed a camera, wrote an article, and things grew. It became inevitable I’d end up doing journalism.
Now—Interpol. BBC reported Russia abusing Interpol notices. We already saw warning signs with cases like Aiden Aslin having travel issues. I had a US visa finally approved after a long time, but I cancelled a trip because I couldn’t justify the risk: you don’t know a notice exists until you travel, and it can disrupt everything—detention, stigma, propaganda, work.
I don’t think the US would extradite me to Russia—but the disruption and propaganda value are real.
CHRIS: The calculation changed: you never used to think America could become the weapon.
SHAUN: Exactly. Russia fabricates narratives—“terrorist,” “mercenary,” “Nazi”—and then wants the world to enforce the consequences via systems like Interpol. Meanwhile Russian war criminals travel freely.
CHRIS: Let’s talk about foreign fighters—Colombians, others—who can be more vulnerable.
SHAUN: I went to a POW camp in western Ukraine to highlight non-Russian/non-Ukrainian detainees on both sides. Under Geneva Conventions, nationality shouldn’t remove POW status if you’re a state soldier under contract. “Mercenary” has a definition, and Russia misuses the term constantly.
Ukraine, in my view, generally treats detainees in line with standards—access to oversight, facilities, medical. I was not treated that way in Russian captivity.
CHRIS: How did it feel being there, speaking with captured Russian-side personnel?
SHAUN: I didn’t go in to punish them. Many were brainwashed or motivated by money. Some lied—everyone in captivity suddenly claims they were a “chef” or “medic.” But you can still understand how people end up there: poverty, criminal histories, prisons, desperation. That doesn’t excuse what they did—it explains how Russia feeds the machine.
CHRIS: Audio’s breaking up a bit—hang on.
SHAUN: (Fixes audio) Better now?
CHRIS: Better.
A viewer asked about Witkoff and Russian connections.
SHAUN: Putin profiles people. If you send weak, inexperienced negotiators against a 25-year ex-KGB leader, you get played. Where is Rubio? Why is this being treated like a real estate deal?
CHRIS: And Trump’s track record: Kim Jong-un—nothing. Taliban—gave things away. He’s not even a good negotiator in practice.
SHAUN: Ukraine has adapted massively. Russia was supposed to be the second most powerful army in the world—now they’re stuck grinding for meters and suffering massive losses. Ukraine is hitting deep targets with drones and missiles. Russia lost dominance in the Black Sea. It’s not going the way propaganda claims.
But if Russia wants a ceasefire, it’s usually to regroup and attack again—so security guarantees matter. Ukrainians don’t think the threat ends even with a deal.
CHRIS: Where can people find you?
SHAUN: X, Bluesky, Instagram—SnowyOldDog. I write for London Loves Business. YouTube: Shaun Pinner – Live, Fight, Survive. Podcast: Voices from the Front (Spotify/Apple). We’re trying to raise profiles of people here—front-line voices, former POWs, Ukrainians—raw but improving. We’re fundraising for demining and humanitarian work too.
CHRIS: Support Shaun’s Substack and work. We need voices that aren’t filtered through major editorial pipelines. Thanks, brother.
SHAUN: Thanks. Slava Ukraini.
CHRIS: Heroyam slava.